Prime Minister Manmohan Singh |
In the debt-ridden eurozone, an annual growth
rate of 5.3% would be a cherished prize for politicians. Not so for the Bric
giant India, as it is the lowest rate in seven years and is symptomatic of a
deeper malaise affecting Indian politics. Add to this high inflation, growing
fiscal and trade deficits and negative investment sentiments and India’s
economy no longer appears so rosy.
India’s economic situation came to the fore
after the ratings agency Standard and Poor’s (S&P) warned it that it may
strip the country of its investment grade status, unprecedented among the Bric group
which also includes China, Brazil and Russia. The report, entitled “Will India
Be The First Bric Fallen Angel?” blamed the division of roles between the “powerful”
Congress party president Sonia Gandhi and the “unelected” Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh as the principal reason for the sickly state of the economy. The
deficient political system leads to “political roadblocks to economic
policymaking” which have stalled the necessary reforms, such as the Goods and
Services Tax and one facilitating foreign direct investment (FDI). The agency
continued saying that the outlook would not be so bleak for the Asian giant if
it cut energy subsidies, which eat at its budget deficit, and raised petroleum
prices.
"If
things remain the way they are, in terms of policy decisions, investments and
sentiments, I would go to the extent that the [growth] figure may be 3%," said
a senior economist with a leading business association, echoing the doubts of
Indian economists over S&P’s estimate of 5% growth for 2012-13. The low
growth is worsened by high inflation, with food inflation at double-digit
levels and wholesale price inflation at 7%. Furthermore, the government has
systematically failed to tame the fiscal deficit it ran up in order to cushion
the effects of the global financial crisis, fuelling irresponsible spending. The
fiscal deficit, which stood at 5.9% of GDP in 2011-12, could rise further
because of the sluggish growth, lower-than-estimated government revenues and
higher expenditure on welfare schemes and energy subsidies. Just as worryingly,
the trade deficit went up by $185 billion in 2011-12, as imports rose more than
exports. The ailing economy and dithering politicians have thus led to a drop
in the business confidence in India. Many firms in the domestic private sector
delayed or postponed plans to invest in expansion, further contributing to the
sluggish recovery. Certain tax provisions in the 2012 Budget have also put a
dampener on FDI inflows.
One government official, giving his
explanation of the slowdown, claims that the state machine reached a paralysis
from mid-2010, when the public revelations of graft left the government in “an
effective state of siege”, such that it was unable to pass reforms or tackle
problems such as the shortage of electricity. Reforms are further stymied by
the lacklustre performance of the government, which only tends to pursue
reforms that are acceptable to its partners and which do not require it to bang
heads together. As such it has gone ahead with the easier bits of
infrastructure development, such as roads, whilst sidelining more contentious
projects such as the power sector, which presents problems throughout the
supply chain.
As the former governor of India’s central
bank, Bimal Jalan, said, “you
can import as much oil as you want, you can pay for it because your reserves
are high, and your exports are doing reasonably well even though they may not
have done so well in one or two quarters. Your current account deficit is
higher than you expected, but still we can afford it, there is no great
problem. So what is it that's lacking and that we don't have?” Once
again the arrow points towards politics, as India lacks a mature, bipartisan
political consensus on the future of its economy. This lack of a political
vision is compounded by the marginalisation of India’s main political parties,
the ruling Congress and the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), who are
losing support to regional parties. Mr Singh’s strategy of reforming by stealth
has had the harmful effect of not fostering a popular consensus around the need
for reform, such that the government faces endless protests when trying to
proceed with its program. Congress’s hands are further tied by the electoral
timetable before the general elections in 2014, which make it even more loath
to take risks.
Global
economic crisis aside, India’s recent slowdown seems firmly rooted in its
broken politics. Unless it can usher in change at the top, which for too long
has seen the beleaguered Mr Singh fudging along, or garner the necessary public
support for reform which would propel it to tackle the red tape and widespread graft,
India seems set on a path of sluggish growth for years to come. Perhaps not a
Bric Fallen Angel, but not a rising Asian giant either.
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